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Is he running or not?

This is the first official issue of Romanian Dispatch, after we launched our zero issue last week. Thank you for all your positive feedback and congratulatory messages!

Romanian Dispatch will arrive in your mailbox each Saturday morning and provides you with a summary of the main news of the week, highlights particularly important developments and provides context and analysis — from politics to pop culture. Starting in September we will also be offering a weekly podcast.

Please do not hesitate to forward Romanian Dispatch to others you think might be interested in weekly news and analyses from Romania.

Romanian Dispatch #1 (August 8-14, 2020)

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“Marxist-liberal alliance”

This is the zero issue of Romanian Dispatch, a weekly English-language newsletter, and soon also a podcast, about developments in Romania — from politics to pop culture.

Every week we plan to compile the main news of the week, highlight particularly important developments and provide context and analysis.

This is an experiment and we very much like to hear from you if this newsletter is useful to you, what is missing, redundant, etc. Please do not hesitate to forward Romanian Dispatch to others you think might be interested in weekly news and analyses from Romania.

Romanian Dispatch #0 (August 1-7, 2020)

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‘We’ll see the best of him from now until the end of the season’: Sheringham on Haller

Former West Ham striker Teddy Sheringham comments on current striker

Sébastien Haller, the Hammer’s £45 million summer transfer, has been criticized much lately by the fans after a reasonably successful start of the season.

Yet speaking to Love Sport Radio, former West Ham forward Teddy Sheringham predicts that under Moyes Haller will find the net again soon. 

“I think the problem with Haller is they haven’t been playing to his strengths, with Moyes coming in – I think he will realise what he’s good at and what kind of service he likes.”

Haller seems to have shared in the rather miserable form of the team in the past months, which is now fighting relegation. He has also been too isolated and hasn’t been serviced good enough.

As TBR wrote, it’s worth noting that Haller has managed to be effective without the help of a strike partner. With six goals and one assist in 23 Premier League appearances he still is West Ham’s top scorer.

At both his previous clubs, the Dutch side FC Utrecht and Bundesliga club Eintracht Frankfurt, Sébastien Haller had a slow start before reaching 29 goals (in 58 appearances) at Frankfurt and 45 at Utrecht (in 87 games).

“He’ll come alive, he’s had that settling in period he hasn’t done great, I think he’ll be alright and we’ll see the best of him from now until the end of the season,” said Sheringham.

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Women to rule a district of Istanbul for first time in history

ISTANBUL— Largely gone unnoticed during the contested mayoral election in Istanbul, for the first time in Turkish history, female candidates managed to win in more neighbourhoods than men in a district, Turkey’s largest administrative unit after a province. The neighbourhoods of Kadıköy, a district of Istanbul with over half a million inhabitants, will now be ruled by 12 female mukhtars and nine male counterparts, reported bianet.

The Kadıköy district on the Asian side of Istanbul already had 10 female mukthars, heads of a neighbourhood, before the March 31 municipal elections but in two of the three neighbourhoods where the mukhtar changed, female candidates took over. In a country in which only 17.4% of MPs are women — the global average is 24% — and barely eight per cent of municipal politicians are women, this is a very significant development. This could well be the beginning of a trend in which women play a bigger role in Turkish politics in Istanbul and other urban centers like Ankara and Izmir.

The cosmopolitan Kadıköy district faces the historic city centre of Istanbul on the European side of the Bosporus. Kadıköy is also the name of the most prominent neighbourhood of the district, a residential and commercial area with numerous bars, cinemas and bookshops, and the cultural centre of the Anatolian side of Istanbul. The centre-left Republican People’s Party (CHP) is usually successful in Kadıköy in both local and national elections. Since the mid-1990s the mayor has been from the CHP. The CHP traditionally has been much more open to women and women’s political representation than the conservative AKP.

Outside Istanbul women have been successful in the location election too. The left-wing Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) has won the elections in three metropolitan, five city and 46 district municipalities, according to the latest figures from the state-run Anadolu Agency. Using the co-chairpersonship system, the party nominated both a woman and a man for each of the municipalities that it ran for office. Although only one person can be officially nominated for a municipality, a co-chair can come into office after the elections. In five districts that HDP won in the southeastern province Mardin, all five candidates were women.


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Book Review: Soviet Milk by Nora Ikstena

Nora Ikstena, a prose writer and essayist, is one of the most influential and widely translated writers in Latvia. After obtaining a degree in philology from the University of Latvia, she studied English literature at Columbia University in New York. Her first work of fiction, a collection of short stories under the title Nieki un izpriecas (Trifles and Joys), appeared in 1995. Ikstena has published a novel almost every year since. In her prose, which is marked by an elaborate style and detailed approach to language, she often reflects on life, death, love, and faith. Her latest novel, Soviet Milk (Mātes piens), has now been published in English.

Soviet Milk depicts a troubled mother-daughter relationship set in Soviet-ruled Latvia between 1944 and 1989, the mother’s life span and also the beginning and ending of the Soviet period. It is also the story of three generations of women – each trying to cope with the Soviet regime in their own way.

Soviet Milk is narrated in alternating sections by the mother and her daughter, both of whom are unnamed. The mother is born in 1944, towards the end of World War II, and shortly before occupied Latvia is liberated from the Nazis. On the eve of Christmas that year, Soviet soldiers, the new occupying force, plunder her parents’ yard, ransack the house, and take the father away. In response, the newborn is quickly whisked away to Riga, Latvia’s capital, in a suitcase.

The daughter, born in 1969, the same year as the author, grows up in Riga, where her grandmother and stepfather have an apartment. With her mother – her father is not in the picture – focused on her medical career, the daughter is mostly left to herself and grows up cared for and supported by her loving grandmother and stepfather. “Throughout my childhood the smell of medicine and disinfectant replaced the fragrances of mother’s milk. These chemicals would hang like a cloud around my mother: there when she returned from exhausting night duty at the maternity hospital; still there when, after long hours of wakefulness, she caught up on sleep at home,” the daughter recalls.

The mother is clearly damaged psychologically by the political repression under Soviet rule. As the title suggests, milk emerges as an underpinning theme. “My milk was bitter: the milk of incomprehension, of extinction. I protected my child from it,” the mother says. This rejection of one of the few commodities that is widely available, and impulse to self-harm, is a symptom of the internalization of political oppression.

While her daughter is in secondary school, the mother, a gynaecologist and fertility specialist, is awarded a prestigious research fellowship in Leningrad. Already known for her critical attitude towards the Soviet rulers, her medical career is destroyed after she molests the abusive husband of one of her patients who has sought her help to get pregnant. She is banned from doing research by the Soviet authorities and returns to Latvia where she is forced to work in a clinic in the country side. There she becomes more and more reclusive, and occasionally suicidal, not being able to copy with life in a totalitarian state – leaving her teenage daughter ever more in the care of her mother and stepfather in the capital Riga, who tell her stories about what life was like in Latvia before the Soviet occupation. The grandmother gives her granddaughter the love that her daughter is unable to provide. The mother subsequently flees in drugs and reading Moby Dick and samizdat literature. The daughter tries to take care of her mother and has a zest for life her mother lacks. She graduates high school and goes on to study medicine. As a student she actively engages in political organizing against the Soviet authorities, which eventually leads to Soviet troops withdrawing in 1990.

Soviet Milk is a beautifully written but also disturbing novel. It reminds us of the tragic reality of life under totalitarian rule and how hard it is to survive in such circumstances for uncompromising souls like the mother in this story. A century has passed since Latvia became an independent nation in 1918. For half of that time it was part of the Soviet Union. In Ikstena’s novel, the longing for freedom finally prevails, as it did in Latvia, which celebrated its centenary and liberation from Soviet occupation last month.

Nora Ikstena. Soviet Milk. London: Peirene Press, 2018. Translated by Margita Gailitis.

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Former Communist States Are Bracing Themselves Against Russia – and Western Europe

U.S. President Donald Trump has been visiting Europe for summits with NATO and Russia’s President Vladimir Putin. Yet what many forget is that last summer Trump’s first state visit to the European Union was to Poland. In the shadow of a monument to the Warsaw Uprising against the Nazis in 1944, he gave an unusual refined speech, which Slovaks, Poles and Hungarians could watch live via their state TV networks. They did so massively.

“The fundamental question of our time is whether the West has the will to survive,” Trump said. “On both sides of the Atlantic, our citizens are confronted by yet another danger — one firmly within our control. This danger is invisible to some but familiar to the Poles,” he continued, speaking next to the monument of the 1944 Warsaw Uprising, CNBC reported. The speech was of an unusually high rhetorical level and contrasted sharply with Trump’s usual reckless style. This must have come from the pen of Steve Bannon, analysts concluded. The former head strategist of the White House is a well-known adherent to the ‘alternative right’ conviction that Europe is falling prey to multiculturalism, advancing Islamism and globalization.

That story, packed in oratorical craftsmanship, was exactly the right sound in the right place. From all over the country, buses with Trump fans came to take part in a ‘patriotic picnic’ in honor of the presidential visit. “Trump! Trump! Trump!,” the frenzied crowd chanted in Warsaw.

Just before his speech, Trump had attended a conference of the Three Seas Initiative, a new economic alliance of the countries between the Adriatic, Baltic and Black Seas. What did the American president do on a summit of that unknown covenant? Was this the birth of a new geopolitical player in Europe? Historians soon established the link with the Intermarium, a Polish plan from the twenties and thirties to establish a strong Central European federation between fascist Germany and the communist Soviet Union. Certainly now that Poland and Hungary are at odds with the European Commission about the relocation of refugees and the breakdown of the rule of law, possible block formation is being watched with suspicion. According to Professor Andrzej Zybertowicz, advisor of the Polish president, the Three Seas Initiative can become a backbone of a new Central European Union if the EU collapses under the migration or Euro crisis.

The Three Seas Initiative is closely related to two major infrastructure projects in the region: a north-south highway “Via Carpathia” and liquefied natural gas infrastructure, with ocean terminals in Poland and Croatia and a connecting pipeline. Up to now, all major motorways in the region have traveled to the West, to Germany. The route of the Via Carpathia, construction of which has already started in Poland, starts in Lithuania and then goes straight down through the east of Poland, continues through Hungary, Romania (a fork in the south may continue eastwards through Romania to the Black Sea port town of Constanța) and Bulgaria and ends at the port of Thessaloniki in northern Greece.

The third Three Seas Initiative Summit will be held in Bucharest in September. The Via Carpathia will not be ready yet – completion of the Polish stretch of the highway is foreseen for 2023 – but both Poland and Romania continue to be at odds with Brussels over rule of law infringements and the refusal of the Visegrád countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) to accept refugees continues to prevent the EU from developing a coherent and consistent migration and refugee policy. Perhaps a Central European Union may not be that far off in the future. 

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Een fluwelen ontslag in Armenië

FOTO: Protest in Armenië – Foto credit: Olya Azatyan.  Creative Commons License Logo This image is licensed under Creative Commons License.

Een week van massale protesten in Armenië heeft tot een machtsverschuiving geleid: op 23 april namen de voormalige Armeense president en de nieuw aangestelde premier Serge Sarkisian plotseling ontslag. Oppositieleider Nikol Pasjinian liet tijdens een bijeenkomst in de hoofdstad Jerevan weten dat hij “klaar was om de voorwaarden van Sarkisian’s ontslag en de machtsoverdracht te bespreken”, aldus Al Jazeera.

De dag voordat de president en de premier waren opgestapt, leken ze nog niet te willen wijken. Pasjinian was gearresteerd – hij had zijn aanhangers opgeroepen om een ​​”fluwelen revolutie” te beginnen om premier Sarkisian af te zetten – en de machthebbers dreigden de protesten met geweld te beëindigen. Maar nadat duizenden soldaten zich bij de demonstraties hadden aangesloten, concludeerde de premier dat een verlengin van zijn 10-jarige termijn onhoudbaar was. Op zijn website (hier vertaald en geannoteerd door Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty) verklaarde Sarkisian: “De straatbeweging is tegen mijn ambtstermijn, ik ga in op de eisen.”

De massale protesten ontstonden nadat de regerende Republikeinse Partij van Armenië op 9 april Armen Sarkisian (niet verwant) benoemde tot nieuw staatshoofd en op 17 april besloot Serge Sarkisian premier te maken om hem zo aan de macht te houden. Een tactiek die gekopieerd was van Vladimir Poetin, met een wijziging in de grondwet die de positie van de president zou verkleinen en de rol van de premier zou versterken.

Het verzet onder de jongeren in Armenië zette de protesten in beweging. De demonstraties begonnen al in maart, toen leden van de Republikeinse partij niet uitsloten dat zij Serge Sarkisian wilden voordragen als premier. Daarop gingen aanhangers van de Civil Treaty-partij eind maart in Jerevan de straat op – vanaf 17 april kwamen jongeren in grote aantallen in protest, de dag dat Sarkisian formeel tot eerste minister werd gekozen. Tegen zondag 22 april hadden 50.000 betogers zich verzameld in de straten van de hoofdstad, wat ook veel Armeniërs verraste.

De Republikeinse partij die sinds 1999 domineert, leek de snelste optie te kiezen om de macht te behouden door Serge Sarkisian premier te maken. Tien jaar lang, in twee termijnen, was Serge Sarkisian president van de voormalige Sovjetrepubliek. Na de laatste termijn benoemde de partij hem tot premier terwijl Sarkisian zelf bij verschillende gelegenheden had verklaard die taak niet op zich te nemen. De jeugd van Armenië zou er niets aan hebben: na 10 jaar Sarkisian-regime is de economie in slechte staat en blijft de jeugdwerkloosheid extreem hoog (35,1% in 2017).

Als het gaat om presidentsverkiezingen heeft de Kaukasus-natie van drie miljoen inwoners een geschiedenis van geweld. Elke recente presidentsverkiezing in Armenië – in 2003, 2008 en 2013 – leidde tot massale protesten die werden beantwoord met geweld door veiligheidstroepen. Tijdens de laatste protesten, echter, was de politie terughoudend.

Inmiddels heeft de regering ex-premier en Sarkisians bondgenoot Karen Karapetian snel benoemd tot waarnemend premier. De protesten van een week die leidden tot het aftreden van Sarkisian waren zeker geen revolutie in de verbeelding. Maar de vrijwillige en fluwelen machtsoverdracht was beslist een breuk met het verleden van Armenië.

(Dit artikel is gepubliceerd in Donau. Een Engelse versie verscheen in Muftah Magazine.)

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Afrika’s laatste kolonie

Smara vluchtelingenkamp, zuid-west Algerije – “Alle bevrijdingsbewegingen hebben gewonnen”, zegt Fatma Mehdi. “Wij zullen winnen.” Mehdi, voorzitster van de Nationale Sahrawi Vrouwenvakbond, reageert op een uitspraak van het Europese Hof van Justitie dat onlangs verklaarde dat het door Marokko bezette Westelijke Sahara niet onder het handelsverdrag tussen de EU en Marokko valt. Dat stuk land is welbeschouwd Afrika’s laatste kolonie. Nadat kolonisator Spanje zich in 1975 terugtrok, volgde een gewapende strijd tussen buurland Marokko en de inheemse Sahrawis geleid door het Polisario Front. Onder leiding vande VN kwam er in 1991 een wapenstilstand. Het grootste gedeelte van de Westelijke Sahara staat onder controle van Marokko –de “zuidelijke provincies”– en is door een 2.700 kilometer-lange muur en mijnenvelden gescheiden van de rest van Westelijke Sahara.

Ik ben in Smara, een van de vijf in de vluchtelingenkampen in de woestijn van zuid-west Algerije waar zo’n 130,000 Sahrawis sinds 1976 hun toevlucht hebben gevonden. Veel huishoudens in de vluchtelingenkampen zijn afhankelijk van contacten met Spaanse families om te kunnen overleven, want er is weinig steun van de VN en ander humanitaire organisaties. De Europese uitspraak kwam op 27 februari j.l., ook de dag waarop 42 jaar geleden de Sahrawische Arabische Democratische Republiek werd uitgeroepen door Polisario.

“Dit is een grote overwinning voor de Sahrawis”, vertelt Beccy Allen. Allen werkt als leerkracht Engels in het Boujdour vluchtelingenkamp en is betrokken bij de Western Sahara Campaign UK, de ngo die het verdrag tussen Marokko en de EU aan het Europese Hof voorlegde. Western Sahara Campaign UK is onderdeel van een internationale solidariteitsbeweging die zich vooral op richt op boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS), een –geweldloze– strategie die ook steeds vaker in de Palestijnse gebieden wordt toegepast en uiteindelijk tot de ondergang van het apartheidsregime in Zuid-Afrika leidde. Mehdi: “Wij willen geweldloosheid, niet terug naar de oorlog.”

Zusterorganisatie Western Sahara Resource Watch in Brussel probeert al jaren investeerders te overtuigen geen aandelen te kopen van bedrijven die fosfaat van het Marokkaanse staatsbedrijf OCP kopen. Negentig procent van de wereldwijde fosfaatreserve, onmisbaar in de productie van kunstmest, ligt in de mijnen rond Boukraa, Westelijke Sahara. Op verzoek van Polisario –de regering in ballingschap geleid door Brahim Galli –werd onlangs een schip met fosfaat bestemd voor Nieuw-Zeeland aan de ketting gelegd in Port Elizabeth (Zuid-Afrika), waar de lading in de komende maanden per opbod wordt verkocht en de opbrengst naar de Sahrawis gaat. Olie, vis, fosfaat en toerisme zijn grote inkomstenbronnen voor Marokko, en niet geheel toevallig zijn die te vinden in de Westelijke Sahara en de kustgebieden daarvan.

De laaste directe onderhandelingen tussen Polisario en Marokko vonden in 2012 plaats. Marokko heeft al jaren een voorstel voor zelfbestuur voor de Sahrawis onder Marokkaanse vlag op de plank liggen, Polisario neemt alleen een referendum voor onafhankelijkheid serieus, zoals dat is afgesproken bij de wapenstilstand in 1991 en nog altijd door de VN-vredesmissie MINURSO moet worden georganiseerd.

Met de uitspraak van het Europese Hof en de groeiende BDS-beweging lijkt er voorzichtig druk te ontstaan om het 42-jarig conflict op te lossen. Ook vanuit de VN is er extra aandacht: zo benoemde VN-secretaris generaal António Guterres afgelopen december Horst Köhler als zijn Personal Envoy for Western Sahara. Köhler heeft inmiddels met de meeste betrokken partijen gesproken: Polisario, Algerije, Zuid-Afrika, Frankrijk, de Afrikaanse Unie; vanuit Rabat komen signalen dat er binnenkort ook een gesprek komt tussen Köhler en de Marokkaanse minister van buitenlandse zaken Nasser Bourita. “Het laat zien dat de VN nog altijd belang hechten aan ons probleem”, zegt Mehdi.

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Does Morocco rejoining the African Union seal the fate of Africa’s last colony?

BEIRUT — After an absence of 33 years Morocco rejoined the African Union (AU), weakening the prospect of Western Sahara, Africa’s last colony, ever becoming independent. Both the Moroccan government and representatives of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) welcomed the decision. Yet the promised, UN-mandated referendum on the independence of Western Sahara is now more unlikely to happen than ever.

“Morocco wants to work from the independence to get Western Sahara expelled from the AU and once and for all lay to rest the whole issue of Western Sahara and its claims to independence,” Liesl Louw-Vaudran, an analyst at the Institute of Security Studies in South Africa who has been following the AU for 20 years, told Newsweek. “I don’t think there’s anyone who thinks that total independence for Western Sahara is still on the cards.”

Simon Allison, who covers Africa for the Daily Maverick, believes that Morocco’s all-out diplomatic offensive to improve relations with the African continent may give African leaders — think particularly of Algeria, Nigeria and South Africa — new leverage to move forward on the referendum on self-determination. Yet he concludes: “That’s the optimistic take. It’s perhaps more plausible, however, that thanks to Morocco’s deep purse and political muscle, Western Sahara has just lost a whole lot of its African allies – making its dreams of independence less likely than ever before.”

SADR president and Polisario leader Brahim Ghali said in an interview that Morocco’s rejoining the African Union does not change the situation fundamentally. “We always look for the peaceful way” to resolve the conflict, Ghali told AFP at a Sahrawi refugee camp in Tindouf, southwestern Algeria. “But all options remain open,” he said, alluding to the possibility of a return to armed struggle.

The situation in Western Sahara can be compared with the Occupied Palestinian Territories. All the talk over the years of pan-Arab and pan-African solidarity with the Palestinians and Sahrawis has translated into very little action. Israel and Morocco, with their powerful economies, powerful armies, and powerful Western allies — hold all the cards.

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Tiny Baltics and France lead the way in EU relocation scheme

RIGA / TARTU — Under the EU relocation scheme Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have now accepted 455 asylum-seekers from Greece and Italy since the beginning of last year. Although France (2,702), the Netherlands (1,216) and Germany (1,099) have received the most asylum-seekers to date under the program, by accepting the 455 — mostly Syrian — asylum-seekers the three Baltic states have actually carried a greater burden given their size (only France accepted more as a percentage of its population).

The EU relocation scheme is supposed to relocate asylum-seekers from Greece and Italy to other EU countries. It just hit the 10,000 mark last week, with 150,000 more to go by 27 September 2017. If successful, and that is still a very big if, the EU program would relief the 60,000-odd refugees that are currently stuck in Greece and suffering under terrible winter conditions, as well as another 70,000 from Italy. But implementation is slow and there is a lot resistance from governments and voters, aside from logistical challenges.

That the Baltics are now leading the way in the EU relocation program is quite astonishing, to say the least. Resistance to the arrival of refugees from Syria has been strong and the Baltic governments only reluctantly agreed — unlike other post-communist states like Hungary, Poland and Slovakia — to be part of the relocation mechanism. And as recent as last August the European Commission was critical of the strict admission requirements that the Baltic governments set for war refugees from Syria and Iraq seeking relocation.

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